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A Partnership Worth Preserving

With the election of a new American president, Sino-American relations often go through a period of adjustment and the testing of limits. When China¡¯s deputy premier, Qian Qichen, and President George W. Bush meet tomorrow, their primary task will be to reach agreement on the general framework for bilateral relations in the coming four years.

Unfortunately, the Bush administration appears to be backing away from the idea of "strategic partnership" between China and the United States, a characterization the Clinton administration used. Instead, the new administration seems to be focusing less on partnership and more on differences and disagreements.

This move from an emphasis on constructive cooperation is a step backward. Strategic considerations have always been prominent in Chinese-American relations since President Richard Nixon decided to seek rapprochement with China in the late 1960¡¯s and early 1970¡¯s. Today, China and the United States still share a great many common concerns, ranging from curbing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to protecting the global environment.

Indeed, the two countries have been working in parallel on security issues on the Korean Peninsula, the Asian financial crisis and nuclear proliferation on the South Asia subcontinent. With globalization and regionalization gathering momentum, there is plenty of room for China and the United States to cooperate to further their common objectives. This week¡¯s meeting could help sketch out an agenda for discussion between President Bush and President Jiang Zemin when they meet at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in October.

At the same time, it is natural that the two sides differ on a number of issues. Efforts should be made to neutralize, if not remove, their differences. The two countries need to begin a strategic dialogue on the controversial issue of national missile defense systems and the accompanying systems of theater missile defense. How the two nations handle this issue will have a great impact on global and regional security. Naturally, the differences between China and the United States on missile defense reflect their respective concepts of strategy and national interests. It is therefore somewhat encouraging to see that Secretary of State Colin Powell has indicated the need to consult with China on this matter.

However, the more immediate and serious challenge is American arms sales to Taiwan, because next month, the Bush administration will decide what kind of weapons to sell. While the Chinese generally object to any arms sales to Taiwan, this time they have expressed extreme opposition to the sales of destroyers equipped with the Aegis radar system and PAC-3 missile systems, improved versions of the Patriot system. The Bush administration needs to review this objection with an eye toward maintaining America¡¯s long-term interest in stability in the Taiwan Strait.

Since Mr. Qian is the Beijing official overseeing Taiwan affairs, the Taiwan issue is likely to be central to the discussion tomorrow. Last August Mr. Qian significantly redefined the "one- China" concept in a pragmatic way that was not given sufficient attention in the United States. He announced that one China includes both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan, a modification from the previous statement of Taiwan being a part of China only. This formulation allows considerably more flexibility in easing cross-strait tensions.

This is crucial because Taiwan has always been the most important and sensitive issue at the core of Sino- American relations. If mishandled, this issue could bring the two countries to a head-on confrontation, while a stable relationship will depend on reaching an understanding on Taiwan.

Finally, one must remember that there are a ceiling and a floor for the China-United States relationship. One visit by a Chinese leader could never change the overall situation fundamentally. The success or failure of Mr. Qian¡¯s visit should not be based on a single issue. Only frequent communications ?including those about issues on which the two nations disagree ?will make possible a general improvement in bilateral relations, which could enhance regional security in Asia, and globally as well.


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Academy of International Studies and Department of International Relations, Nankai University.